Péter Magyar has spoken at length twice since his overwhelming electoral triumph that ended 16 years of rule by the illiberal strongman Viktor Orbán.
The first was a long nighttime speech on a podium surrounded by cheering crowds of supporters with the Danube behind him and Hungary’s great neo-Gothic parliament beyond, which lasted more than an hour. The second was a press conference lasting more than three hours on April 14. A short section is also included from a state TV interview on the same day. Below is a selection of his words. Quotes do not follow on from one another.
My fellow countrymen, Hungarians, we did it. Tisza and Hungary have won this election. Not just by a little, but by a lot — in fact, by a great deal.
Together, we have ousted the Orbán regime and liberated Hungary; we have reclaimed our homeland.
Our victory is visible even from the moon [and] certainly from Brussels [and] from every Hungarian window. Whether it’s the smallest mud-brick house or a high-rise apartment building, in the city or the countryside, it’s visible from every window.
We won today because the Hungarian people did not ask what their country could do for them, but rather asked what they could do for their country. And you did not just ask; you also found the answer and took the action demanded by the homeland.
How many times and how many people told us that it wasn’t worth going to the countryside, that we couldn’t leave the capital? How many times did we hear that we had to come to terms with being ‘His Majesty’s opposition’, that we had to make deals, because there was no other way? But of course there is — today you have proven that it is indeed possible
Magyar linked his April 12 victory to other notable dates in Hungarian history, including the anti-Habsburg revolution of 1848 and the anti-Russian uprising of 1956, calling them moments of grace.
Let this too be a date inscribed in gold in the history of Hungarian freedom — not the victory of one party over another, but the victory of Hungarians over those who betrayed them, the victory of freedom over those who betrayed them. Let this be a victory for all Hungarians today, for those who voted for Tisza and for those who did not.”
The task is enormous, but we Hungarians love big challenges.
He made a number of demands aimed at the former government of Viktor Orbán and his supporters within the state machinery.
I call on the prime minister to act as a caretaker government starting today, and not to take any measures that would tie the hands of the next government.
He told Orbán: If any questions arise during the transition period, please contact me; you have my phone number.
I also call on the President of the Republic to ask me to form a government, then step down from office, and I call on all the puppets to do the same.
He then demanded the resignations of the following:
The President of the Curia (Supreme Court),
the President of the Constitutional Court,
the Prosecutor General,
the President of the State Audit Office,
the President of the Competition Authority,
the President of the Media Authority, and
the President of the National Office for the Judiciary
Accountability:
From now on, we will no longer be a country without consequences . . . those who have robbed the country will be held accountable [as will those who] incited hatred between Hungarians.
To Fidesz supporters and his own Tisza voters:
Dear fellow Hungarians who support Fidesz. I know you are disappointed today. I know it is difficult to process defeat, especially a major and deserved defeat. I know you are angry with us — and with me personally — because being in opposition is hard. But here and now, I, Péter Magyar, promise you that I will also be your prime minister, and I will work to heal wounds and help us accept each other, even if we represent different views.
Dear 3.3 million Tisza voters, I ask you to begin reconciliation — not with the guilty, but by extending a hand to every Hungarian. From today, there are no better or worse Hungarians, only Hungarians. From today, this country lives again.
Never before in the history of democratic Hungary have so many people voted, and never before has any party received such a strong mandate as Tisza. You have given us the authority to build a functioning and humane homeland for all of us, for every Hungarian.
State TV interview on April 14. Magyar pledged to suspend state TV and radio until its public service ethos was restored:
This factory of lies will end once a Tisza government is formed. The fake news broadcast here must stop, and we will create independent, objective, and impartial conditions to end this propaganda.
He went on to accuse the broadcaster of spreading false information about him and insulting his family during the campaign.
Presenter: I would like to reject, on behalf of all my colleagues, the claims that we insulted your family.
Magyar: In this studio, it has been said several times that my young children do not speak to me, while in fact, they live with me.
Foreign Affairs:
My first trip will take me to Poland to strengthen the 1,000-year-old Polish-Hungarian friendship. My second trip will take me to Vienna. And my third will be to Brussels to secure the EU funds to which Hungarians are entitled.
Magyar insisted that Hungary will remain committed to both NATO and the EU, describing them as key guarantees of peace, and reiterated that he would end Hungary’s reliance on Russian oil and gas by 2035.
We will have discussions with the European Union, but we are not going there to fight.
On Ukraine, Magyar said he would meet President Volodymyr Zelenskyy:
Everyone knows Ukraine is the victim in the war . . . I will ask Vladimir Putin to end the killing.
But he added he won’t support fast-track EU membership for Kyiv:
It is completely out of the question for the European Union to admit a country at war.
Magyar called the US “a very important partner” and said that he would seek “good relations” with Trump.
If Vladimir Putin calls, I’ll pick up the phone. It would probably be a short phone conversation, and I don’t think he would end the war on my advice. Russia remains a security risk.
Our country has no time to waste. Hungary is in trouble in every respect. It has been plundered, looted, betrayed, indebted, and ruined.
On Israel:
Israel and Hungary share a “special relationship”.
“Hungary is home to a strong Jewish community — one of the largest in Europe — fortunately living in peace and security. Many Hungarian nationals live in Israel, and many Israeli citizens come here.
He denounced antisemitism and said his government would adopt a zero-tolerance policy. However, he said Hungary will not automatically block EU efforts to punish Israel, as his predecessor had done. Each case and decision must be assessed individually . . . We will see what decisions the Union makes and determine what serves both our interests and justice.
On the International Criminal Court (ICC):
We will re-initiate Hungary’s accession to cooperation with the International Criminal Court . . . I believe it is in the interest of the entire international community and of Hungary that we remain there, just as we have been until now.
Magyar received a note during the April 13 press conference, which he immediately shared with reporters, saying it came from sources within the Foreign Ministry.
I just received the information, I’ll share this with you. Many people thought that Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó had disappeared, since he couldn’t be seen yesterday during Viktor Orbán’s victory speech. Today at 10 am, he appeared at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and since then, he and his most direct colleagues have been shredding documents related to sanctions.
This is what is happening in Hungary right now. We have known for days that the destruction of documents has begun, not only in the ministries, but also in other institutions linked to the Orbán elites.
[Orban] had a great opportunity to do huge things in the national interest to ensure that Hungary became a developing European country . . . He did not use this chance, but abused it.
Sources:
Nicole Monette is a CEPA Editorial Intern and a graduate of New York University with master’s degrees in Journalism and European & Mediterranean Studies.
Europe’s Edge is CEPA’s online journal covering critical topics on the foreign policy docket across Europe and North America. All opinions expressed on Europe’s Edge are those of the author alone and may not represent those of the institutions they represent or the Center for European Policy Analysis. CEPA maintains a strict intellectual independence policy across all its projects and publications.
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