Hungarians are experiencing something extraordinary: real changes under new leadership. Little more than a month after the April 12 parliamentary elections, Hungary has a fully fledged, functioning, and liberal democratic government. The first weeks after the make-or-break elections that ended Viktor Orbán’s 16-year reign highlight several important features in the aftermath of toppling an illiberal regime.
The new prime minister, Péter Magyar, was sworn in on May 9 — symbolically on Europe Day — and the new government was established a few days later. This pace, having a government ready to work in less than a month, and in a series of quickfire announcements, is remarkable.
Speed was essential. During the interregnum, the caretaker government under the auspices of Orbán continued to act as if it had not suffered a historic defeat. There were numerous media reports of newly purchased shredding machines operating at full tilt, last-minute business deals worth millions finalized in secrecy, and business figures close to the outgoing regime moving their assets abroad. The newly elected leaders feared that the more time it took to be sworn in, the more post-election damage Orbán and his circle might do.
The stages of grief hit everyone differently, especially members of the former regime. Some members of Orbán’s Fidesz party suddenly began to preach about the importance of democracy and the need to respect the free media, while minimizing their roles in how Hungary has become one of the poorest and most corrupt EU member states.
Some business figures, like the media mogul whose company is responsible for the so-called billboard campaigns across Hungary, went on air and, with teary eyes, tried to make his case. Government-affiliated influencers are now searching for new jobs, and omitting lines from their resumés that once tied them to the state’s messaging machine (although the internet never forgets). Some media outlets have already announced their closure, or plans of “restructuring” because state subsidies have been terminated.
The change of government is already apparent in the behavior of some state-funded institutions. Public television in particular now seems to be acting more independently. Magyar promised a temporary suspension of public TV while an overhaul and reconstruction take place to ensure it properly serves its core function. A new regulator is also planned to oversee its work.
Magyar’s relationship with the independent media will undoubtedly have its ebbs and flows. During his first international press conference, he gave the floor first to Hungarian media outlets that were either labeled as fake news or Brussels-controlled paid agents by Orbán. Symbolically, this means a lot; Magyar even selected three spokeswomen, two of them from left-leaning private channels. On the other hand, he remains just as combative with independent media as he was during the election campaign.
The illiberal regime crumbled faster than one could have imagined. Fidesz, now in opposition with 52 members in the 199-member national Assembly — appears both combative and weak at the same time.
Orbán, the self-proclaimed street fighter who battled against largely imaginary enemies like American-Hungarian businessman and Holocaust survivor, George Soros, along with illegal immigrants, unelected Brussels officials, and, more recently, Ukraine’s President Zelenskyy, has quickly retreated.
Orbán had promised that, in the event of defeat, he would finish his political career as he had started it: as a member of parliament. Instead, he gave up his mandate and did not show up to the swearing-in session of parliament as the former prime minister.
The parliament, in which Magyar’s Tisza party enjoys a two-thirds supermajority, is now preparing to discuss the first constitutional amendments, including limiting the prime minister’s term to a maximum of eight years. That would mean that Orbán, by default, would no longer be eligible for the position should he seek a return to power.
The illiberal regime was Orbán, and without Orbán, the appeal of Fidesz is gone. Tisza, if it performs well, continues to fill the right-wing ground once occupied by Fidesz, while Mi Hazánk (Our Nation) remains a far-right presence in the parliament. New left-wing parties are likely to emerge — something the political scene would probably benefit from after a decade of underperformance. That leaves little space for Fidesz on the political spectrum, Orbán included.
Meanwhile, Tisza’s popularity has continued to grow since the elections, largely at the expense of Fidesz. Although citizens often like to associate with the winning side, this also shows that the collapse of Fidesz and the landslide victory of Tisza were not some kind of statistical error. Citizens were equally disappointed by how Orbán reacted to his defeat and behaved in the post-election weeks.
There is no obvious way back for Orbán in Hungarian politics, let alone international politics. His closest international allies — namely Slovakia’s Fico, the Czech Republic’s Babiš, and even President Trump — dropped him like a hot potato. Once hailed as the leader of the new transatlantic far right, Orbán provided financial and political support, and political asylum for politicians and a “safe haven” for far-right intellectuals. Yet the situation changed overnight. The strongest suddenly became the weakest link, and other leaders dislike association with failed politicians.
Magyar has meanwhile taken on the role of showman at times during his first weeks. He led reporters and film crews through some of the glitzier government offices in the Castle District overlooking the Danube. Newly built and renovated buildings, with multiple cigar rooms and lavish paintings, chimed discordantly with the fact that this is one of the EU’s poorest countries.
In recent weeks, Magyar has highlighted how Orbán and his circle wasted large sums of public funds to support their lifestyles. He opened Karmelita — Orbán’s infamous office — to the public, the EU flag is once again flying on the parliamentary building, and the government continues to reveal the scale of excessive spending and shady business deals of the former government.
Magyar also maintains momentum and appears to have chosen his ministers wisely. They are professionals rather than career politicians and have backgrounds from across the political spectrum. There is a former commander-in-chief as defense minister, a left-leaning political strategist heading the prime minister’s office, and a foreign minister who left the Hungarian foreign service in 2015.
Magyar remains active on social media, holds press conferences almost every day, but has not forgotten about uncovering the details behind the case that launched his political career: the presidential pardon. Unveiling the details, as well as removing the president and senior judicial appointees, are likely to be the next eye-catching move.
Ferenc Németh is a Ph.D. candidate at Corvinus University of Budapest and a Fulbright visiting researcher at Georgetown University. He has previously conducted research in Toronto and Skopje, worked as a research fellow at the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs, and interned at EULEX Kosovo. His areas of expertise include Central and Southeast Europe, EU enlargement, and regional security. Ferenc was a Denton Fellow at CEPA in 2024.
Europe’s Edge is CEPA’s online journal covering critical topics on the foreign policy docket across Europe and North America. All opinions expressed on Europe’s Edge are those of the author alone and may not represent those of the institutions they represent or the Center for European Policy Analysis. CEPA maintains a strict intellectual independence policy across all its projects and publications.
