Before the full-scale invasion, Artem Yushchuk worked for a company building cars for European racing championships. But after Russian troops crossed the Ukrainian border in the all-out invasion of 2022, he and his team switched to fixing armored vehicles damaged in the fighting.
That inspired the 25-year-old graduate of Kyiv Polytechnic Institute to create his own.
“There were lots of vehicles, mainly armored but not designed for wars. They couldn’t completely turn off their lights or move in blackout mode,” he said. “Some were painted in different colors, while others required repairs due to damage from explosions. The experience gave us insights into creating our own.”
After working with a designer and finding investment partners, Yushchuk and his team built the first prototype of the new Inguar, creating a military chassis with NATO-level 3 protection, meaning it will withstand grenades and mines.
“Because we configured it ourselves, we increased its off-road characteristics, installing larger tires and many additional functions,” he said. “Locking inter-axle differentials, good ground clearance, tires that inflate from the cabin, there are a lot of features that are required for a military vehicle.”
The vehicle’s ballistic and anti-mine protection is certified by Ukraine’s Ministry of Defense, said Artem. “It can withstand an anti-tank mine explosion,” he said. “This machine is the only one in its class in Ukraine with such protection against such detonations.”
The rear armor can be changed on the vehicles so they can be used for different tasks. They can be adapted for medical evacuation, personnel movement, or as platforms for transporting heavy weapons systems, for example.
The team also increased the vehicle’s all-terrain performance by installing a system that enables its tires to be inflated and deflated from the cab. When they are deflated “the contact area increases and the vehicle’s off-road performance improves,” Yushchuk explained. “This is a really important characteristic, because many don’t have this function. It is the main wish of the military.”
The vehicle will have electronic anti-drone systems and protection against chemical weapons. The armor consists of a combination of aluminum and steel, providing two layers of protection designed to ensure most of the fragments from enemy munitions are caught in aluminum and do not reach the steel frame, he said.
“A vehicle for the military should be able to go where it needs to go, leave, and in case of shells, shrapnel, bullets, it should save the lives of our soldiers as much as possible,” Yushchuk said.
Other Ukrainian manufacturers build armored vehicles, including Ukrainian Armor, which produces the VARTA, NOVATOR, and KAMRAT specialized vehicles, and the scientific and production association Praktika, which supplies the Kozak armored vehicle.
“These cars, mostly, are lighter and designed for different tasks with lower protection levels. There’s a trade-off: our heavier, more protective vehicles meet specific needs, while lighter ones offer maneuverability and cost-effectiveness,” Yushchuk said. “We don’t compete. They do for some tasks, we do for others.”
He said his company can produce more than 150 vehicles a year, which he believes is the sort of domestic output that can supplement Western military aid.
This goes some way to making up for delays in deliveries from abroad — for example, 400 German armored vehicles intended for Ukraine were held up in April because of licensing and certification issues.
“The need for such machines is huge. We need to move in the direction of creating our own equipment and weapons,” Yushchuk said. “We could develop production by using funds from abroad, and paying taxes here.”
The first Inguar is expected to appear on the frontline in the next two months after necessary trials, while another 50 of the Mine Resistant Ambush Protected vehicles (MRAPs) can be delivered in a year, potentially creating 500 jobs and helping Ukraine fight off Moscow’s invaders.
Elina Beketova is a Democracy Fellow at the Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA), focusing on the occupied territories of Ukraine. She worked as a journalist, editor, and TV anchor for various news stations in Kharkiv and Kyiv.
Europe’s Edge is CEPA’s online journal covering critical topics on the foreign policy docket across Europe and North America. All opinions expressed on Europe’s Edge are those of the author alone and may not represent those of the institutions they represent or the Center for European Policy Analysis. CEPA maintains a strict intellectual independence policy across all its projects and publications.
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