I was born in communist Czechoslovakia, a nation occupied by Russians until their forced departure in 1990. Officially, they were called Soviets, but to us, they were simply Russians — the ugly face of Moscow’s rule.
The Soviet Union boasted that it was a union of equals, but in truth, our experience was just another chapter in Russia’s centuries-old drive for expansion. As Václav Havel once said: “Russia’s greatest problem is that it does not know where it begins and where it ends.”
When I was a boy, Russian soldiers patrolled our streets, their language was imposed in schools, and our history was rewritten to fit Moscow’s lies. I remember feeling terror when I saw words written in Azbuka. Cyrillic looked foreign, even hostile. It was a daily reminder that we were not free.
Czechoslovakia was never part of Russia, yet we were treated as a colony. From the Baltics to Central Asia, Russian imperialism followed the same pattern — seizing resources, suppressing cultures, and maintaining control through force often applied by local collaborators.
Russia excelled at propaganda, posing as an anti-colonial power while holding entire nations in its orbit. The Soviet Union may have collapsed, but this pattern persists in Russia’s latest iteration.
I speak Russian fluently and use it daily. I watch Russian TV and listen to Russian politicians in their own language. The messaging they convey in Russian is often vastly different from the rhetoric they use for foreign audiences. Most Russians see no problem with invading neighboring countries, and many would love to see the Czech Republic become part of their empire once again. They are surprised that we condemn the 1968 invasion — as though we should have simply accepted it.
I’ve spoken with countless former Soviet soldiers who are proud of their role in the occupation of Czechoslovakia. Today, nearly no one in Russia views it as wrong. For them, it was a necessary act of control — a demonstration of power. This mindset hasn’t changed. In fact, Russia’s war in Ukraine is still widely supported by ordinary Russians. According to the January 2025 Levada survey, three in four Russians support continuing the war in Ukraine. This is not merely Putin’s war.
Far from the conflict in Ukraine, when visiting the Czech Republic, many Russians — including those with European passports — often behave as if our country is still part of their empire.
The vast presence of Russian church- and state-connected groups and citizens in Karlovy Vary, and other famed west Bohemian spa towns, is just one of many examples. In response, the Czech government recently enacted new rules requiring Russian applicants for Czech passports to renounce their Russian citizenship. Additionally, with upgrades to the Transalpine (TAL) pipeline, the Czech Republic now sources all its oil from Western suppliers, eliminating Russia’s ability to use energy as leverage against us. Russian will no longer be offered in Czech schools as an option for the compulsory second language.
Not all Czechs share my views. A significant minority would welcome a return to Russian influence. Some even long for the days of Soviet power. The new government expected to be elected later this year will likely be less hawkish on Russia. However, for the vast majority, the lessons of Russian imperialism are clear.
In 1991, the last Russian soldier left Czechoslovakia. It was a miracle, but miracles happen. Likewise, Russian troops were forced to leave Afghanistan. They lost control of the Baltic states. They have just had to retreat from Syria, while Armenia’s parliament has begun the process of joining the EU. Russian imperialism may appear unstoppable, but history shows otherwise.
There are growing fears that the US may be pulling back from Europe. Some American leaders seem more inclined to negotiate with Putin, a worrisome shift for countries like ours, who remember all too well the cost of appeasement from 1938. The discussions at the Munich Security Conference from February 12-14, only highlighted the fragility of Western unity.
The new Trump administration has made overtures to Putin, including questioning the very purpose of NATO. We must not forget the disastrous consequences of such policies in the past. For countries like the Czech Republic, it evokes painful memories of when Moscow dictated our fate.
Looking back, I wonder how different my life would have been if Russian tanks had never left Czechoslovakia. History teaches us one indisputable lesson: Russian imperialism is never permanent.
Empires fall. Occupiers leave — especially when they are weak, as the Russian empire (Soviet Union) was in the 1980s and 1990s. I wish the new US administration understood this, instead of cozying up to them.
In the meantime, the Czech people will not, ever, accept the return of our oppressors.
Martin Pospisil is an economist and international development specialist. He is the 2024 James S. Denton Transatlantic Fellow at CEPA.
The views expressed here are his own.
Europe’s Edge is CEPA’s online journal covering critical topics on the foreign policy docket across Europe and North America. All opinions expressed on Europe’s Edge are those of the author alone and may not represent those of the institutions they represent or the Center for European Policy Analysis. CEPA maintains a strict intellectual independence policy across all its projects and publications.
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