The country offers a striking case study of the way war reshapes the roles of women and men, not only on the battlefield, but across society, the economy, and national recovery.
Approximately 100,000 women are serving in Ukraine’s armed forces out of a total of one million personnel. Around 5,500 of those are on the frontlines, in roles ranging from infantrywomen and combat medics, and drone operators to drivers and intelligence specialists.
Prior to the full-scale invasion in 2022, women made up roughly 15% of the military, compared to about 10% now, but while the proportion has decreased due to the rapid expansion of the armed forces, the absolute number has more than doubled.
Many of the roles currently being filled by women were legally closed to them until 2018, when Ukraine lifted restrictions, allowing women full access to military education and positions, including combat roles.
And the pipeline is growing. Around 20% of students in military academies and lyceums are now women, signaling not just wartime necessity, but a long-term transformation of Ukraine’s security sector.
Simply focusing on military participation would, however, miss the broader picture. The majority of Ukrainian women are not in uniform but are critical to the war effort.
Women dominate the humanitarian and aid sectors, supplying the army with essential goods, evacuating civilians, assisting internally displaced people, and providing psychological support. Their work ranges from grassroots initiatives to leadership roles in major foundations.
At the same time, women disproportionately carry the burden of unpaid labor. With such large numbers of men mobilized or serving at the front, many women simultaneously manage childcare, household responsibilities, elder care, and income generation. This “double shift” has intensified under wartime conditions, turning everyday survival into a form of resistance.
The psychological toll is significant. And programs such as Recovery During War, launched in 2022, highlight the depth of trauma experienced by women and children.
The initiative, run by the Association of Jewish Organizations and Communities of Ukraine, provides rehabilitation, including weeks-long residential therapy using psychological, physical, and creative approaches. Its existence underscores the critical reality that displacement and evacuation do not end trauma; they often prolong and reshape it.
Ukraine’s wartime economy is also increasingly dependent on women as labor shortages deepen and, as in previous wars, women are entering professions traditionally dominated by men.
A government-backed initiative has trained more than 900 women in high-demand technical fields such as machinery operation, boiler maintenance, and transport services, with most being immediately hired.
Hundreds of companies have requested trained female workers, reflecting both necessity and a shifting perception of gender roles in the labor market. Women are not only filling gaps but redefining the structure of Ukraine’s workforce.
Beyond the numbers, individual stories illustrate the depth of women’s leadership under fire.
Yuliia “Taira” Paievska, for example, a volunteer medic who began her work during the 2014 Maidan revolution, co-founded a medical evacuation unit and was captured by Russian forces while rescuing civilians. After her release, she kept working and established a foundation supporting families of prisoners of war and fallen soldiers.
Women in local communities have also taken extraordinary risks. Tetiana Svyrydenko, the elected leader of Ivankiv village council, 50 miles northwest of Kyiv, refused evacuation in the early days of the full-scale invasion despite threats of abduction or death from the occupiers.
She spent 36 days in hiding while continuing to support her community, only emerging after Ukrainian troops liberated the village. Today, she coordinates international reconstruction aid, helping families who lost everything rebuild their lives.
These examples reflect a broader pattern of women exercising authority, making high-stakes decisions, and sustaining communities under existential threat.
A critical question for Ukraine’s long-term recovery is whether displaced women — especially those with children — will return.
Research by academics in 2025 provided grounds for cautious optimism. While 39% of Ukrainian women were forced to leave their homes, 53% had already returned, and among those displaced, 69% had stayed in Ukraine, and 24% went abroad.
Crucially, 79% of surveyed women said it was important for them to stay in Ukraine.
Contrary to common assumptions:
- Women with children were just as likely to want to remain as those without.
- Rural and urban women showed similar intentions.
- Even women from occupied or frontline areas expressed a strong desire to stay connected to Ukraine.
It was clear that economic stability plays a key role. Women with higher incomes and those who own businesses were less likely to emigrate, suggesting recovery policies should prioritize economic inclusion and opportunity.
Narratives about women in war often reduce them to victims, but in Ukraine, women are soldiers, volunteers, workers, caregivers, and leaders. They are sustaining the war effort in the present and shaping the country’s recovery and future.
Recognizing this is a strategic imperative, not just a matter of justice. Any serious discussion of Ukraine’s resilience and reconstruction must place women at its center.
In Ukraine today, women are not on the margins of history; they are writing it.
Kateryna Odarchenko is a political consultant, a partner of the SIC Group Ukraine, and president of the PolitA Institute for Democracy and Development. A specialist practicing in the field of political communication and projects, she has practical experience in the implementation of all-Ukrainian political campaigns and party-building projects.
Europe’s Edge is CEPA’s online journal covering critical topics on the foreign policy docket across Europe and North America. All opinions expressed on Europe’s Edge are those of the author alone and may not represent those of the institutions they represent or the Center for European Policy Analysis. CEPA maintains a strict intellectual independence policy across all its projects and publications.
War Without End: Deterring Russia’s Shadow War
Either Europe will continue allowing Russia’s shadow war to set the terms of escalation, or it will act now to prevent a larger war.
