Enable Long-Term Planning, US Leadership, and Presence

Recommendations for the US Executive Branch:

  • Strategic Vision: First, the US Administration (along with allies and partners) needs a comprehensive strategy which builds upon the past two years of assistance and enables long-term planning among key stakeholders. This strategy, which will be supported by the following recommendations, must also be informed by a collaborative and clear US policy towards Russia.
  • In the President’s budget requests for Fiscal Years 2026 through to 2031, the White House, DoD, and State Department should ask for approximately $40 billion/year, over the course of the next several years, using authorities including FMS, FMF, and USAI amongst others to meet urgent requirements and plan for long-term security needs. The exact allocation will depend on numerous factors, such as budget priorities, objectives, planning lead time, and the situation in Ukraine. In addition, the Executive should seek total appropriation accompanying USAI covers two years to support long-term planning within DoD, The White House, and State Department to support Ukraine’s defenses.
  • Memorandum of Understanding & Strategic Vision: The US and Ukraine should seek an initial MoU of five years, establishing mutual priorities and objectives for their security partnership. The MoU should include planning timelines, including capability targets, committed yearly resourcing over five years from both partners, international partnership opportunities, and structured oversight mechanisms.
    • The agreed upon MOU, like the US/Israeli MOU, should be sent for review and approval by Congress. This format is critical for identifying multi-year objectives, reforms, oversight, and needs leading to a document of accountability and a roadmap for the US/Ukraine partnership. An MOU can help implement some of the goals of the signed-BSA, as well as stand as a touchpoint for the evolving battlefield and dynamics of the partnership. Congressional support is very much needed to make a US/Ukraine MOU successful and sustainable.
    • While the current 10-year bilateral security agreement (BSA) is a step in the right direction, an MOU can be a more structured and collaborative approach which can be updated intermittently. We envision the MOU process to work in tandem with BSA goals and objectives. We advocate for an initial 5-year MOU to lay the groundwork for a multi-decade partnership allowing for clear identification of objectives, collaboration, and cooperation. This allows a new format such as the MOU to be clearly overseen by Congress and the Executive Branch and revisit objectives sooner to then plan for a longer (10-year) MOU.
  • Appoint/Nominate a Special Envoy or Representative: The US administration should designate either a Special Envoy or a Special Representative for Ukrainian defense and security. This person and office would serve as an advocate for Ukrainian defense issues with budgeted authorities, enable senior political support, lead US engagement, and coordinate with the US, Ukraine, NATO, and other partners.
    • Seek Congressional support for a Special Envoy/Representative. Our study showed a great deal of support from current and former US officials as well as European and international partners for this role. When the right person with the right authorities and resources empowered by the President and Congress is nominated or appointed, efficiency increases, objectives are met, and oversight is robust.
  • Expand professional education and training: The US and Ukraine should increase Ukraine’s participation in professional military education (PME) and International Military and Education Training (IMET) programs, which would build trust between the US and Ukrainian militaries, enable relationship building, and support reforms within the Ukrainian Armed Forces.
    • DoD and the State Department should request increases in funding and support for PME and IMET programs. These programs consistently show a massive ‘bang for your buck’ in terms of effective soft power, the ability to shift professional culture with partners, and does so relatively inexpensively. To the maximum extent possible, in order to continue with reform efforts, professional military objectives, and Western principles.
  • ITAR reform: We are all tracking the delays and restrictions associated with ITAR and export controls especially in light of technology transfers and technology developments as a result of the last almost three years of war. A persistent issue across partnerships needs deep Congressional oversight and leadership. The recent ITAR amendments in relation to the AUKUS partnership (the “AUKUS Exemption”) might serve as a good first step template for the US partnership with Ukraine and perhaps other European allies and partners. Seeking to eliminate regulations enacted prior to the speed of technology we are seeing today is in the best interest of the US industrial base, US innovation, and Ukraine’s ability to win.

Strategic Messaging, Oversight, and Anti-Corruption

Recommendations:

  • Engage in strategic messaging: The US, Ukraine, and their allies should launch and maintain a comprehensive strategic messaging and branding campaign which emphasizes the need and rationale behind security assistance and cooperation measures with Ukraine.
    • Messaging from the Executive Branch is critical for establishing US leadership and ensuring allied collaboration. While allies in the EU and NATO can and should lead on aspects of support to Ukraine, US strategic leadership and messaging can give allies the strategic guidance and enable their leadership on specific problem sets. In addition, the USG must reframe the message driving support for Ukraine to emphasize the links between Moscow, Beijing, Pyongyang, and Tehran.
  • Streamline oversight and standardize anti-corruption: A single, interagency body should oversee US security assistance and cooperation to Ukraine and provide periodic updates, including publicly available documentation, reporting, and briefings to US Congress and public. Additionally, DoD and the State Department should develop a universal template for anti-corruption goals which would cover oversight, transparency processes, bidding and budgeting practices, and auditing alongside other areas.
    • For example, the overwhelming data Congress is receiving on support and assistance to Ukraine begs the question on how does the USG translate this data into helpful and persistent oversight? Streamlining the oversight requirements with a sustainable model of reporting is beneficial to both the Executive Branch and Congress.