Albanian Deputy Prime Minister Belinda Balluku and other senior officials have been charged with corruption, leaving the country split on how best to tackle a culture of bribes and backhanders. With European Union (EU) accession hanging in the balance, this presents Europe with an opportunity to apply pressure.
Balluku, who was minister of Infrastructure and Energy, was accused of improperly favoring a company to build a tunnel in the south of the country. Investigators later found evidence that it was not the first tender affected by her alleged favoritism. She denies the charges.
While she was fired from the government, Prime Minister Edi Rama’s ruling party refused to lift her parliamentary immunity in March, sparking widespread anger. Balluku is regarded as Rama’s closest ally, raising questions about the prime minister’s own knowledge about the mismanagement of contracts.
Balluku’s case was the latest in a series of corruption allegations surrounding Rama and his government. The prime minister, whose Socialist Party won its fourth consecutive election in May 2025, has been accused of ties to organized crime, while some Socialist deputies and mayors have been prosecuted for abuse of office, money laundering, and tender manipulation.
There have been protests in parliament and demonstrations in the streets. In December, lawmakers from the opposition Democratic Party threw flares and clashed with police during a parliamentary session.
In February, mass protests erupted in Tirana and turned violent when rocks and Molotov cocktails were thrown at government offices before riot police used tear gas and water cannon to subdue the crowd. Regular demonstrations organized by the opposition Democratic Party are continuing and becoming increasingly violent.
Despite the emotional intensity on the streets of the capital and the continued escalation of public anger, the protests are unlikely to bring down Rama’s government and lead to reform. The Socialists hold 83 of the 140 seats in parliament, and the prime minister has a tight grip on power.
His government has successfully attracted investment in Albania’s tourism sector, maintaining public optimism about the country’s economic prospects and shoring up his position. In August 2025, Jared Kushner and Ivanka Trump were given approval for a $1.4bn luxury real estate development, which brought Rama the bonus of stronger ties with the US first family.
Previous unrest led Rama to support the creation of a Special Anti-Corruption and Organized Crime Structure (SPAK) in 2019, and he has since criticized and praised the anti-corruption body. This appears to have satisfied many in the country, though a minority still speaks out against SPAK’s inefficiencies.
Former Albanian Prime Minister and current Democratic Party leader Sali Berisha, who has appeared at protests, is dogged by his own corruption scandals, leading to the suspicion that a change of government would not solve the problem.
Given the public distrust of all leaders and parties, Rama has no political imperative to make significant changes.
The government has offered gestures against corruption. In September, a month before the indictment was filed against Balluku, Rama unveiled Diella, an AI-generated “minister” which he said would ensure “public tenders will be 100% free of corruption.” The announcement was dismissed by opposition lawmakers as a publicity stunt that would do nothing to raise Albania from its 91st place in Transparency International’s global corruption perceptions index.
The failure of Albania’s political class to address widespread graft means Europe may be its best hope.
Tirana has worked for European Union membership since 2009, and accession talks began in 2020, but concerns about democratic backsliding and corruption meant the process stalled.
A 2020 poll showed 97% of Albanians support EU accession, and Rama has promised it by 2030, giving Brussels an opportunity. The EU can and should leverage Albania’s future membership to spur reform.
The European Parliament has repeatedly urged Albania to deepen and implement anti-corruption efforts, but it has not outlined specific steps the country needs to take to meet EU requirements, nor has it guaranteed accession. These steps could invigorate the population and help drive genuine reform.
By actively engaging with the Albanian government and population, the EU could build on Albanians’ near-unanimous support for accession to help develop a system that will help prevent corruption, inspire confidence, and stop future backsliding.
If Rama is to deliver on his promise of EU membership by 2030, something will have to change. Brussels can provide a blueprint for Albania to follow.
David J. Kostelancik is a Nonresident Senior Fellow at the Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA). He was a career member of the US Senior Foreign Service, holding the rank of Minister Counselor, and served as a deputy coordinator for terrorism prevention and detention in the State Department’s Bureau of Counterterrorism. He was foreign policy adviser to the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and deputy chief of mission and chargé d’affaires at the US Embassy in Hungary and in two postings to Russia.
Andrew Raynus is a Communications Intern at the Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA) and a third-year undergraduate student at The George Washington University, studying International Affairs and International Business with a concentration in International Development.
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