When Asia is mentioned in the context of semiconductors, the usual suspects dominate: Taiwan at the cutting edge, South Korea’s memory chip giants, Japan’s all-around capability, and China as the looming threat. But India? The subcontinent rarely registers.
That could be a mistake. With a massive population, deep engineering talent, and multi-billion-dollar government investments, India is building a dynamic semiconductor hub. Unlike China, India is not pursuing a goal of national self-sufficiency and independence from US and European technology. India does not want to replace existing chip hubs. Instead, it aims to complement them.
India enjoys deep semiconductor DNA. For decades, it excelled in chip design services and embedded software, contributing to a massive share of global engineering talent. But the country remained stuck downstream in the value chain. Unreliable utilities, a shortage of skilled chip talent, and missing links in the supply chain for chemicals hobbled efforts to build volume manufacturing.
It now sees an opportunity to try again. The COVID-19 pandemic produced massive chip shortages. Taiwan’s dominance at the leading edge looked dangerous. China’s massive push in basic chips raised alarm bells. In 2021, New Delhi budgeted $9 billion to launch a Semiconductor Mission aiming to move from “design and assembly” to full-spectrum production.
Investment is pouring in. By late 2025, chipmakers had pledged almost $20 billion across multiple projects.
The government projects a $100-110 billion domestic market by 2030. In addition to satisfying domestic demand, India aims to become a major exporter.
Western buyers are interested. The US signed a semiconductor MOU labeling India as a “trusted” partner. Unlike China, India is not trying to create proprietary standards to protect a domestic industry but is working with US and European standards. Western investments are protected by rule of law, again in contrast to China.
Although India will compete — not just complement Western industry, particularly in outsourced assembly and mature power devices — the US-India frameworks and incentive structures prioritize collaborative redundancy and supply security over rivalry. It strengthens supply chains and reduces dependency on China.
For the most part, India complements, rather than replaces, existing suppliers. Instead of challenging Taiwan’s lead in cutting-edge wafer fabrication, India concentrates on basic chips. India’s workforce is skilled in design, but running a semiconductor fab requires a different skill set. India needs time to build this up — possibly a generation’s worth.
Instead of challenging South Korea’s lead on advanced logic and memory chips, India targets outsourced assembly, mature logic, and power semiconductors — both competitive and complementary. Although India will compete in memory chips against US suppliers such as Micron, it provides non-Chinese capacity.
Despite the inflow of investment, India’s semiconductor surge is not guaranteed to succeed. Execution challenges remain substantial. Utilities and infrastructure reliability remain question marks. The skills pipeline to build and run sophisticated chip plants needs development. For the time being, India will never replace Taiwan or Korea as a manufacturing hub.
But the potential payoff remains immense. A strategically aligned Indian partner, integrated into the global design and fabrication ecosystem, enhances resilience against global supply shocks.
The sleeping giant is awake. The question is whether the transatlantic alliance will engage decisively while the window of opportunity remains open.
Christopher Cytera is a non-resident senior fellow with the Tech Policy Program at the Center for European Policy Analysis and a technology business executive with over 30 years of experience in semiconductors, electronics, communications, video, and imaging.
Bandwidth is CEPA’s online journal dedicated to advancing transatlantic cooperation on tech policy. All opinions expressed on Bandwidth are those of the author alone and may not represent those of the institutions they represent or the Center for European Policy Analysis. CEPA maintains a strict intellectual independence policy across all its projects and publications.
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